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The report released on 13 March 2024 by the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem and Israel (“More than a human can bear : Israel’s systematic use of sexual, reproductive and other forms of gender-based violence since 7 October 2023” ) [1] , implicates Israeli security forces and settlers in the implementation of a systematic use of sexual and reproductive violence against the Palestinian population, particularly women, since 7 October 2023. According to the Commission, these acts of violence have become instruments of warfare employed by the Israeli government to “dominate, oppress, and destroy” the Palestinian population. Such acts amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity under international criminal law and international humanitarian law. The report underscores serious violations of the right to life and raises the potential classification of these acts as crimes against humanity, including the crime of extermination . It highlights the heightened vulnerability of women in this context. Based on the Commission’s findings, in October 2023, women accounted for 33% of those killed in Gaza. This rise in female casualties is attributed primarily to the intensification of aerial bombardments, the broadening of targeting criteria, and public statements by certain Israeli officials, which may be construed as tacit authorisation to attack civilian sites across the Gaza Strip. Investigating Atrocity: The Power and Limits of International Inquiries Commissions of inquiry, fact-finding missions, and other investigative bodies are established to examine, document, and analyse serious violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law. By ensuring the collection of evidence and the identification of potential perpetrators, these mechanisms play a crucial role in the legal characterisation of acts as crimes, thereby contributing to an impartial and objective understanding of the facts. Since 1963, seventy-five commissions of inquiry and fact-finding missions have been established. Depending on the context, such missions may be national in scope, encompassing an entire territory, or focused on a specific region. In certain cases, they are mandated to investigate particular incidents. Each commission has the authority to define the scope and duration of its mandate, appoint its members, and organise its operational capacities according to its objectives. Their mandate goes beyond merely recording violations: they aim to identify patterns of recurrent abuse and, in some cases, to name individuals suspected of bearing responsibility . However, these investigative bodies are temporary and non-judicial in nature . Their purpose is to highlight breaches of international law and issue recommendations for remedial action . They operate within an intermediary framework, designed to facilitate access to justice without constituting judicial authorities in themselves . Their findings serve to inform ongoing legal proceedings , but do not carry the binding force of judicial decisions . This lack of enforceability, combined with the absence of coercive mechanisms, significantly limits their direct impact . Consequently, these investigative mechanisms do not constitute a judicial response as such, but rather serve as a palliative instrument in light of the limitations of international criminal justice . They represent an additional lever in the fight against impunity. What is the Methodology of a Commission of Inquiry? Initially, these commissions were primarily tasked with determining whether violations of human rights constituted offences under international law and with identifying those responsible, while collecting the relevant evidence . At the time, their approach was more political than legal in nature . However, in light of recent developments, international criminal responsibility has become a central concern in the work of such commissions, leading to a revision of both their methodology and their findings . The advent of digital technologies has introduced new methodological challenges, particularly in view of the transformations affecting the nature of armed conflicts. For instance, certain commissions — such as the one mandated to investigate the situation in Venezuela — have incorporated open-source information into their evidence-gathering processes. [2] Despite these methodological advances, several commission reports have faced criticism for allegedly harbouring underlying political biases . These critiques underscore the importance of enhanced transparency in the selection of sources and witnesses , as these elements are essential to ensuring the reliability and objectivity of findings. The quality of an investigative report is generally assessed according to strict criteria, such as accuracy, objectivity, consistency, reliability of sources, balance, and independence. [3] In fulfilling their mandates, United Nations commissions of inquiry employ a variety of investigative methods, including witness interviews, written documentation, videos, satellite imagery, and forensic evidence . In this context, access to the field and the quality of sources are key determinants. Nevertheless, commissions often encounter significant obstacles , particularly when States oppose their involvement. It must be recalled that the consent of States is not required for the establishment of an investigative mechanism. However, when States disapprove of the existence or scope of such mechanisms, they may attempt to undermine the integrity of the investigative process. For instance, in the case of the present report “More than a human can bear” , the Commission was unable to conduct a mission to Israel. It therefore had to rely primarily on information provided by NGOs operating on the ground, as well as on direct (victims, eyewitnesses) and indirect testimony. This situation raises a fundamental question: does such a context compromise the rigour of the investigation? Does the report, in this case, show signs of bias or political influence? Not inherently. While on-site presence is undoubtedly desirable to ensure a thorough and independent investigation, such circumstances do not constitute an insurmountable obstacle to the formulation of relevant and methodologically sound findings. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is by no means an isolated case. Other commissions of inquiry have carried out their work under similar conditions, without this necessarily undermining the quality of their reports. Notable examples include the Commissions of Inquiry on Burundi and Eritrea, the Commission of Inquiry on the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), and the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar. [4] Nevertheless, this physical disconnect from the territory in question frequently exposes Commissions to criticism. They are therefore required to detail their methodology with particular rigour and transparency . The Commission on Darfur, for instance, was criticised regarding its process for selecting witnesses. A comparable issue was observed in the case of the Commission mandated to investigate the situation in Libya. Similarly, during the 2009 investigation into events in Gaza, key individuals were arrested and detained by the authorities before they could testify before the Commission. In relation to the DPRK, two major issues concerning sources of information emerged. First, with respect to documentary evidence, the investigation relied primarily on English-language sources or Korean texts translated into English. This led to the underrepresentation of contributions from NGOs and research institutions publishing predominantly in Korean. Second, a similar issue affected the testimonial evidence. The Commission identified a potential pool of 30,000 witnesses, the vast majority of whom were North Korean nationals who had emigrated to South Korea. The Commission itself acknowledged that this self-selected sample generally held a negative perception of the North Korean regime. [5] Given the lack of direct access to the territory concerned, one of the principal challenges faced by such commissions lies in their reliance on investigations and evidentiary material provided by NGOs, local civil society organisations, and civilian witnesses . While these contributions are essential, they also raise critical questions regarding the assessment and verification of the information collected, as these actors may not possess the necessary tools or the requisite distance to ensure objectivity . The Commission of Inquiry on Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory, in its report dated 13 March 2024, was faced with these specific challenges. Owing to Israel’s refusal to grant access to the affected areas, the Commission relied on external sources, yet did not sufficiently detail the methodology used for their collection and assessment. This approach drew criticism, notably from the American Jewish Committee, which, on 25 March, denounced what it described as a “systematic bias against Israel”. [6] The Committee pointed to several omissions, including the failure to mention the 7 October attacks, the hostages, and the right to self-defence, as well as an imbalance in the contextual analysis of security-related issues. [7] These observations underscore the necessity of enhanced methodological transparency. A report of this nature must be grounded in the entirety of the sources available at the time of the investigation, with precise details provided as to the modalities of access, the process for source selection, and the diversity of the testimonies collected. However, the methodological section of the report appears insufficiently developed, which may cast doubt on the reliability of the information presented—particularly in a context where disinformation is pervasive in armed conflict . A more thorough exposition of the methodological criteria employed by the Commission would have served to strengthen confidence in the robustness of its conclusions. It is also regrettable that the Commission failed to cite any specific sources, not even in footnotes. Evidence collected from social media is not accompanied by essential metadata such as date, time, or platform, and no individual post is directly referenced, even where reproduction would not have been legally or ethically problematic. This total absence of citation raises legitimate concerns about the material substantiation of the evidence invoked. It is important to recall that an investigative mechanism does not, in itself, constitute an end point in the pursuit of justice. The establishment of a commission of inquiry cannot be equated with a genuine political will to effectively combat mass atrocity crimes . Such mechanisms will only produce tangible impact if accompanied by concrete measures —at the international, regional, and national levels—aimed at securing justice, fostering reconciliation, and preventing the recurrence of such atrocities . [8] Mechanisms of inquiry mandated by the Human Rights Council (HRC) play a vital role in the documentation and legal characterisation of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide. However, they must not represent the international community’s sole response to such violations. Finally, in substantive terms, the report of the Commission of Inquiry highlights a critical issue: the use of sexual violence as a tool of reprisal in armed conflict. “More than a human can bear” : documented violations 1. Destruction of sexual and reproductive health infrastructure: A systematic tactic The report denounces the deliberate targeting of health infrastructure—a strategy employed by Israeli forces to dismantle sexual and reproductive health services in Palestine . Since the onset of the conflict, numerous hospitals and clinics have been subjected to targeted attacks. The case of Al-Shifa Hospital in Gaza, one of the largest healthcare facilities for women, is particularly striking: it suffered extensive damage, rendering access to prenatal and gynaecological care virtually impossible. In 2023, several reproductive health clinics were destroyed in Israeli airstrikes, cutting off access to urgent medical services for women and girls, including therapeutic abortions and treatment for pregnancy-related complications. “ Direct attacks on healthcare facilities offering sexual and reproductive healthcare services have affected impacted about 540,000 women and girls of reproductive age in Gaza .” The destruction of medical equipment during airstrikes has precipitated a major humanitarian crisis , depriving Palestinian women of vital access to essential care. This includes increased malnutrition, food shortages, breastfeeding difficulties, famine, and lack of hygiene products and sanitary facilities—particularly during childbirth. Maternal mortality rates have risen sharply due to the lack of adequate care. 2. Sexual Violence: acts of torture and terror Testimonies gathered by humanitarian organisations on the ground document acts of extreme sexual violence. Palestinian women and girls have reportedly been subjected to gang rape by Israeli forces . Such collective sexual violence is frequently reported in conflict zones where women are arrested, detained, and raped by multiple Israeli soldiers. For instance, one woman detained during a military incursion in the Jabalia refugee camp testified that she was abducted along with other women and subjected to gang rape. Sexual torture has also reportedly taken place in Israeli detention centers and prisons —including Negev, Damon, and Hasharon—where Palestinian women and men are held. The Commission confirmed the authenticity of a video recorded on 31 October 2023 in Hebron, West Bank, which shows six blindfolded men, stripped and lying on the ground, two of whom are completely naked. The reasons for their detention remain disputed: the Israeli Security Forces (ISF) claim they were Hamas militants, whereas other sources indicate they were Gazan labourers. One of the men appears unconscious; another screams in pain. A soldier is seen stepping on the face of a bound man before dragging him by the legs. According to the Commission, such incidents are not isolated. “Sexual violence was used as a means of punishement and intimidation from the moment of arrest and throughout the detention, including during interrogations and searches.” Based on multiple videos and photographs taken and disseminated online by Israeli soldiers themselves, the Commission draws attention to the sexual harassment and public humiliation of Palestinian women— through both physical acts and online campaigns of defamation reportedly orchestrated by Israeli officials and soldiers. 3. Sexual exploitation in displacement: control over women’s bodies The displacement of Palestinians has exposed women to heightened risks of sexual and gender-based violence . Palestinian women fleeing bombardment zones are frequently targeted by Israeli soldiers or settlers. Such assaults often occur in refugee camps, where displaced women are particularly vulnerable and left at the mercy of armed Israeli groups. No exceptions were reportedly made for pregnant women, elderly women, maternity patients, women and girls with disabilities, or those unable to evacuate due to a lack of transport, assistance, or because of the trauma of being separated from their children. Women were subjected to sexual violence, forced nudity, and degrading strip searches . 4. Sexual violence in detention: A deliberate policy of intimidation and degradation Sexual violence in Israeli detention facilities is not limited to individual acts of rape. Testimonies describe instances of gang rape used as a means of intimidation and degradation. In some cases, Israeli soldiers reportedly forced female detainees to undress in their presence, subjecting them to public humiliation through forced nudity and exposure. Other women were raped in conditions of complete isolation, without access to redress or medical care. According to the Commission, these acts form part of a deliberate and systematic policy . 5. Gender-based violence: social and psychological repercussions The sexual and reproductive violence endured by Palestinian women has devastating consequences for the social fabric of the community. According to the Commission, women—who are often regarded as custodians of culture and family tradition—are targeted in ways that strike at the heart of communal resilience. The mental health impact on survivors is profound, exacerbated by the absence of psychosocial support and the enduring nature of the trauma . Protracted conflict and displacement have intensified gender inequalities by reinforcing structural discrimination. The Commission recorded testimonies from women in Gaza describing increased control by male relatives, limiting their autonomy and freedom of movement. Women who have survived rape—and their families—frequently face social stigma, which deepens their isolation. The Commission emphasises that such gender-based violence takes place within a socio-normative context shaped by strong cultural and religious sensitivities surrounding privacy, nudity, and the wearing of the veil. The resulting stigmatisation and exclusion can have far-reaching consequences for both the victims and the broader community. Social media further compounds these harms by exposing survivors to prolonged and irreparable humiliation. 6. Impunity and the use of sexual violence as a tool of retribution The Commission found no evidence of meaningful efforts by the Israeli authorities to prosecute perpetrators of sexual violence in Gaza. Investigations point to a culture of impunity within the Israeli security forces. Content posted on social media—often by soldiers under their real identities—documents acts of sexual violence and humiliation. The Commission collected such material, observing that the absence of disciplinary measures reflects an implicit endorsement by military and political authorities. The Commission further observes that incitements to violence have indiscriminately targeted the civilian population of Gaza, who are broadly portrayed as complicit in the 7 October 2023 attacks. Senior Israeli officials have publicly justified the abandonment of humanitarian considerations, conflating women and children with combatants and labelling them as “complicit despite age, gender or civilian status, and should be exterminated”. Public statements by figures such as General Giora Eiland and Member of Knesset Hanoch Milwidsky have served to legitimise such atrocities. Graffiti left by soldiers in occupied territory echoes this dehumanising rhetoric. A key finding of the Commission’s report concerns the instrumentalisation of sexual violence as a political and symbolic tool within the broader narrative of the conflict . The Commission underscores how women’s bodies and sexuality continue to be constructed as bearers of collective honour and national dignity, thereby rendering them potent vehicles for both mobilisation and retaliation . The sexual violence reportedly committed against Israeli women on 7 October 2023 has, according to the Commission, been invoked by Israeli officials to justify and sustain intensified military operations in the Gaza Strip. This rhetoric has included characterising Hamas as “a rapist regime ”, and has been further disseminated through videos of Palestinian detainees allegedly confessing to acts of rape—aimed at consolidating public support for military action. Crucially, the Commission’s investigation reveals that such narratives have had a tangible impact on the behaviour of Israeli security forces (ISF) in the field, notably in their treatment of Palestinian detainees. In one particularly symbolic instance, the Commission documented graffiti quoting the biblical story of Dinah—interpreted to frame sexual violence as a collective affront to male honour requiring vengeance—alongside messages affirming that military retaliation serves to ‘restore’ national dignity. This framing is emblematic of a deeper dynamic wherein sexual violence is not only weaponised in the theatre of war, but also mobilised discursively to entrench nationalist and gendered ideologies. The Commission further notes that this narrative of retributive justice has coincided with a sharp rise in sexual and gender-based violence against Palestinians, often accompanied by acts intended to feminise, shame, and fracture the social fabric of the community. In this context, sexual violence functions simultaneously as an instrument of domination and a mechanism for symbolic revenge, sustaining cycles of humiliation, dehumanisation, and militarised masculinity.   Flore Siproudhis   [1] Please find the report mentioned : https://www.un.org/unispal/document/report-of-the-commission-of-inquiry-israel-gender-based-violence-13march2025/ [2] Anna Golikova « Les mécanismes d’enquête mandatés par l’ONU », Thèse, https://theses.fr/s411543 [3] Hun Joon Kim, “Are UN Investigations into Human Rights Violations a Viable Solution? An Assessment of UN Commissions of Inquiry,  Journal of Human Rights Practice” , Vol 11, February 2019, Pages 96–115,  https://doi.org/10.1093/jhuman/huz008 [4] Global Centre for the responsability to protect « Human rights council investivative mechanisms and mass atrocity prevention”, November 2019 https://www.globalr2p.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/11/2019-November-FFMs-CoIs-and-R2P.pdf [5] Hun Joon Kim, ibid .  [6] American Jewish Committee, “Letter to UN Human rights Council Members Opposing anti-Israel resolutions”, March 27, 2025 https://www.ajc.org/news/american-jewish-committee-letter-to-un-human-rights-council-members-opposing-anti-israel “ Since its establishment in 2006, the Human Rights Council has continually singled out and criticized Israel. No other country has been subjected to such scrutiny and systemic bias”. [7] American Jewish Committee, ibid.  [8] Global Centre for the responsability to protect « Human rights council investivative mechanisms and mass atrocity prevention”, opt cit.

On 15 March 2025,  The New York Times  journalists Carlotta Gall and Oleksandr Chubko published a significant article tracing the efforts of survivor-led groups working to break the silence surrounding sexual violence perpetrated by Russian soldiers during the war in Ukraine. In a village in the Kherson region, 77-year-old Liudmyla stood with remarkable dignity before a group of women and shared her story with courage: “I was beaten, I was raped, but I am still living thanks to these people.” In this powerful testimony, she shattered the silence around one of the most brutal and devastating aspects of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine: the systematic use of sexual violence as a weapon of war. [1] Liudmyla's experience is far from unique. Alongside 61-year-old Tetyana and 37-year-old Alisa Kovalenko, she has, over the past year, helped organise community gatherings in the region's villages to raise awareness about conflict-related sexual violence. These peer-led support groups are vital: they provide a space conducive to listening and self-expression, enabling survivors to begin freeing themselves from the burden of silence. Among the gravest of crimes, rape is also among the most silenced — veiled in shame, paralysed by fear, and compounded by profound isolation. Amidst the chaos of ongoing bombardment, speaking out rarely feels like a priority — and survivors frequently feel illegitimate in voicing their pain. As anthropologist Véronique Nahoum-Grappe has noted, “rape is a crime of desecration,” whose trauma is compounded by the shame it inflicts on its victims. “Unlike other physical injuries, which may be worn as marks of courage, a raped woman is stigmatised and marginalised.” [2] In this context, these group meetings — held in safe, supportive spaces — play a crucial role in challenging the silence surrounding such atrocities. “ The most important consideration was to reassure victims that they are safe ” says Tetyana. “You need to work out your pain so it does not stay inside of you for too long.” The difficulty in speaking about these crimes stems not only from the deep personal trauma they cause, but also from the fear of not being believed or of facing further stigma. By providing a space where survivors can be heard, these support groups help dismantle both internal and external barriers, giving victims the possibility of rebuilding their lives. Ultimately, these gatherings represent a form of resistance in the face of violence and oppression. They contribute to a collective awakening that is essential for rebuilding a nation devastated by war. Since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion, Ukrainian prosecutors have recorded over 344 cases of conflict-related sexual violence — 220 of which concern women, including 16 minors. Yet women’s rights organisations estimate the actual number of cases to be far higher, likely numbering in the thousands. For Sofi Oksanen, official statistics capture only a fraction of the suffering endured. The figures fail to reflect the full scope of the phenomenon. Oksanen points out that they omit the indirect consequences on the victims’ loved ones, on their professional lives, their mental health, or their ability to maintain social relationships. “They do not speak of those who have lost their voice, or of those who now choose their clothes not to feel good, but to hide their bodies. They do not mention the mothers who disguise their daughters as boys to protect them, or those who have stockpiled buckets of manure, ready to douse their daughters in it to repel Russian soldiers. They do not account for the lost generation — the children these women will never have. They do not speak of the women who, after what they have endured, avoid all intimacy with their husbands, or those who are abandoned by their partners as soon as they learn of what happened to them. They make no mention of the infections, HIV, or thyroid disorders that will mark some victims for life. And those are only the physical consequences. Sexual violence inflicts deep wounds that may affect victims for the rest of their lives — invisible, yet indelible.” [3] The first trial for rape linked to atrocities committed by Russian troops took place in Ukraine in May 2022, with the indictment of Mikhail Romanov. Tried in absentia, the proceedings marked a historic milestone in the fight against impunity for sexual violence in wartime. This case represented the first judicial response to such heinous crimes, yet it merely opened a broader and more complex legal process. Indeed, Russian troops attacking Ukraine have systematically committed acts of sexual violence against civilians — both men and women, of all ages. These acts have become a recurring element of the atrocities committed during the invasion, underscoring the brutality and systematic dehumanisation inflicted upon the Ukrainian population. Evidence collected by international observers and researchers reveals sexual violence of staggering scale and cruelty. These assaults have often been carried out in public, designed to instill collective terror. Russian soldiers, at times in broad daylight, committed rape deliberately, even forcing other members of the community to witness them. In scenes of unimaginable violence, parents were made to watch their children being raped — and vice versa. Even more horrifyingly, some victims were raped for hours on end, until death. [4] In an interview with  Le Monde  in 2022, Ukraine’s Human Rights Commissioner, Liudmyla Denisova, emphasised: “The Russians are not merely raping here. They are raping in such a way that the victims die. They shoot them, or rape them so violently that they succumb to their injuries.” [5] These rapes are not a new phenomenon emerging in 2022; rather, they form part of a long-standing Russian military strategy. As Sofi Oksanen aptly observes, the sexual violence perpetrated by the Red Army was met with silence—a pattern of denial that also characterized the wars in Chechnya and Syria. Following the illegal annexation of Crimea and the seizure of separatist regions in 2014, victims had no opportunity to report the sexual violence they endured. The blindness of the international community — and of Ukrainian authorities — reflects a deep moral failure, one that has enabled the repetition of these crimes. Why does Russia resort to this weapon?  In part, as Philippe Rousselot explains, “wartime rape may be seen as an extension — or even a substitute — for the conquest of territory. To the act of acquiring, whether temporarily or permanently, a coveted space, is added the subjugation of its population, embodied in the appropriation of bodies. Wartime rape thus becomes a form of deterritorialised conquest, where the inherent sense of domination in any act of annexation is brutally manifested. Through this act, three dimensions converge: the act of war (to rape is to kill on the battlefield), the spoils of war (to rape is to seize and possess), and conquest (mass rape marks a territory with an indelible imprint of one’s presence).” [6] At last, the international community is beginning to listen. Ukrainian prosecutors are taking up these cases, and survivors are gradually breaking their silence. Through their testimonies, shared in survivor-led discussion groups, these women not only document the reality of the violence they endured, but also give voice to the intimate and often unspoken pain of survival. The organization  SEMA Ukraine  has played a crucial role in enabling access to medical care and psychological support for many women. Fifteen survivors were encouraged to come forward and join the community. In March 2025, a delegation from SEMA Ukraine attended the  United Nations Commission on the Status of Women , where they denounced these crimes. During the session, they screened a powerful film depicting the ordeal of survivors, and demanded that Russia be officially held accountable for acts of sexual violence in Ukraine. Iryna Dovgan and Alisa Kovalenko explained that bearing witness is, at once, a step towards personal healing, a gesture of solidarity with fellow survivors, and a political act in defense of democracy. For Alisa Kovalenko, it is crucial that the world becomes aware of the crimes Russia has committed in Ukraine. Speaking out has become an act of resistance. It is a means of reclaiming agency, a path to reconstruction in the wake of horror. “It is revolutionary to speak of rape when one is a woman,” confided a survivor. Since the full-scale invasion, Ukrainian authorities — with the support of international donors — have launched several initiatives to address conflict-related sexual violence.  Law No. 10132 , entitled  “Law on the Legal and Social Protection of the Rights of Victims of Sexual Violence Related to the Aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine and on Urgent Interim Reparations” , seeks to facilitate legal action for victims while ensuring access to essential healthcare and psychosocial support. It aims to incorporate the principles of international criminal law into investigations and prosecutions of sexual violence crimes. Yet how can justice truly be rendered without victims'   testimonies ? In the face of such horror, survivors are reclaiming their narratives, denouncing rape as a weapon of war — a crime that international justice can no longer afford to ignore. As Sofi Oksanen rightly asserts, “Condemning threats and the stigmatisation of victims is also a way of delivering justice.” [7]   Written by Flore Siproudhis WWoW and Its Commitment on the Ground Recognising the vital role played by the act of speaking out, the NGO  We Are Not Weapons of War  (WWoW) stands alongside victims to support them, enhance the documentation of crimes, and advocate for justice in Ukraine. In partnership with  Stand Speak Rise Up!  (SSRU) and the  Women’s Information Consultative Center  (WICC), WWoW convened a closed-door symposium in Kyiv to examine the challenges related to the documentation, prevention, and prosecution of conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) in Ukraine. These confidential discussions enabled participants to identify the barriers preventing survivors from accessing healthcare and justice, to raise awareness of the various forms of sexual violence — including those affecting men — to facilitate dialogue between victims, civil society actors, and legal professionals, and to strengthen cooperation between government representatives, legal experts, and national and international organisations. Each testimony, each voice reclaimed, marks a step forward in the fight against invisibility and impunity. This symposium will culminate in the publication of a white paper, expected in early May 2025. Moreover, the NGO is actively deploying its  Back Up  tool on the ground, offering survivors a secure means of reporting the violence they have experienced, accessing essential services, and contributing to justice efforts. [1]  New York Times “Slowly, Ukrainian Women Are Beginning to Talk About Sexual Assault in the War”, mars 2025 https://www.nytimes.com/2025/03/15/world/europe/ukraine-women-sexual-violence-war.html   [2]   Véronique Nahoum Gappe « Tout viol est une torture, toute torture est un viol »., pour l’Ukraine https://www.pourlukraine.com/viols/reflexion-anthropologique [3] Sofi Oksanen « Deux fois dans le même fleuve : la guerre de Poutine contre les femmes », Stock 8 novembre 2023. [4] Sofi Oksanen, ibid. [5] Le Monde, « dans un village ukrainien occupé par les russes, la brûlure indicible du viol », Ghazal Golshiri, 12 mai 2022 https://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2022/05/12/dans-un-village-ukrainien-occupe-par-les-russes-la-brulure-indicible-du-viol_6125721_3210.html [6] Philippe Rousselot, le Viol de Guerre, La Guerre du Viol.  Inflexions,   38(2), 23-35. https://doi.org/10.3917/infle.038.0023 . [7] Sofi Oksanen « Deux fois dans le même fleuve : la guerre de Poutine contre les femmes », opt cit

In recent years, the world has witnessed the mass crimes committed by the Islamic State (IS) against the Yazidi minority in Syria and Iraq. The ongoing trial in Sweden against Lina Ishaq, charged with genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity, marks a significant step towards justice for the Yazidi community. While the accused has systematically denied her role in these crimes and has consistently portrayed herself as a victim, playing on gender prejudices within the conflict, the tribunal has succeeded in gathering testimonies from direct victims and witnesses who were present in Syria with her and have testified to her role in the abduction of Yazidis.   The trial focuses on the role of Lina Ishaq, a Swedish national who joined the Islamic State and has already been convicted. In 2022, a Stockholm court sentenced Ishaq to six years in prison for failing to prevent her 12-year-old son from becoming a child soldier in Syria, where he was killed in the civil war. Now, she faces additional charges of genocide, crimes against humanity, and gross war crimes due to her alleged participation in the purchasing and enslaving of Yazidi women and children. These actions included the subjection of the victims to severe suffering, torture, inhuman treatment, and forced conversion, contributing to the systematic persecution of the Yazidi community.   Swedish authorities, in coordination with UNITAD, have worked to identify Yazidi victims and facilitate their participation in the proceedings. Nine victims have come from Iraq and other countries where they have found refuge to testify and face their former captor, this time with her shackled and deprived of her freedom. The evidence presented in the trial includes harrowing accounts from the victims, detailing the brutal treatment they endured. The trial also highlights the ideological basis of IS, which justified these crimes as part of their extremist interpretation of Islam.   A significant focus of the trial is the role of women returnees, such as Lina Ishaq, who traveled to Syria to support IS. While none of the testimonies have implicated her in sexual violence crimes,  We are NOT Weapons of War  is monitoring the trial to assess how national courts handle cases of sexual violence committed by IS members. IS systematically used sexual violence during the conflict, yet national courts have not recognized and condemned these acts as core international crimes.   In Europe, few male IS members—the primary perpetrators of sexual violence—have been arrested or prosecuted. Instead, female returnees, have faced prosecution, mostly for their association with a terrorist organization, rather than for international criminal crimes. However, this is beginning to change as judicial systems grow more aware of the gender biases that have historically framed women only as victims, now recognizing them as potential war criminals as well. Some countries are now prosecuting female IS members for the full scope of their crimes, including those defined under international law. This shift ensures a more accurate understanding of their responsibilities and delivers better justice to the victims. Prosecuting sexual and gender-based violence as international crimes is essential for accountability and honoring Yazidi survivors.   As this trial progresses,  We are NOT Weapons of War  remains committed to advocating for Yazidi rights and ensuring that victims’ voices are heard. The trial in Sweden is a critical step toward justice for the Yazidi community and accountability for these mass crimes. It also underscores the need to challenge gender biases in judicial processes and recognize sexual violence as a core element of international crimes. We will continue documenting the proceedings and providing updates on this important case.