Ukraine | Support Groups as a pathway to justice: creating safe spaces for victims of sexual violence to speak out

On 15 March 2025,  The New York Times  journalists Carlotta Gall and Oleksandr Chubko published a significant article tracing the efforts of survivor-led groups working to break the silence surrounding sexual violence perpetrated by Russian soldiers during the war in Ukraine. In a village in the Kherson region, 77-year-old Liudmyla stood with remarkable dignity before a group of women and shared her story with courage: “I was beaten, I was raped, but I am still living thanks to these people.” In this powerful testimony, she shattered the silence around one of the most brutal and devastating aspects of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine: the systematic use of sexual violence as a weapon of war. [1] Liudmyla's experience is far from unique. Alongside 61-year-old Tetyana and 37-year-old Alisa Kovalenko, she has, over the past year, helped organise community gatherings in the region's villages to raise awareness about conflict-related sexual violence. These peer-led support groups are vital: they provide a space conducive to listening and self-expression, enabling survivors to begin freeing themselves from the burden of silence. Among the gravest of crimes, rape is also among the most silenced — veiled in shame, paralysed by fear, and compounded by profound isolation. Amidst the chaos of ongoing bombardment, speaking out rarely feels like a priority — and survivors frequently feel illegitimate in voicing their pain. As anthropologist Véronique Nahoum-Grappe has noted, “rape is a crime of desecration,” whose trauma is compounded by the shame it inflicts on its victims. “Unlike other physical injuries, which may be worn as marks of courage, a raped woman is stigmatised and marginalised.” [2] In this context, these group meetings — held in safe, supportive spaces — play a crucial role in challenging the silence surrounding such atrocities. “ The most important consideration was to reassure victims that they are safe ” says Tetyana. “You need to work out your pain so it does not stay inside of you for too long.” The difficulty in speaking about these crimes stems not only from the deep personal trauma they cause, but also from the fear of not being believed or of facing further stigma. By providing a space where survivors can be heard, these support groups help dismantle both internal and external barriers, giving victims the possibility of rebuilding their lives. Ultimately, these gatherings represent a form of resistance in the face of violence and oppression. They contribute to a collective awakening that is essential for rebuilding a nation devastated by war. Since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion, Ukrainian prosecutors have recorded over 344 cases of conflict-related sexual violence — 220 of which concern women, including 16 minors. Yet women’s rights organisations estimate the actual number of cases to be far higher, likely numbering in the thousands. For Sofi Oksanen, official statistics capture only a fraction of the suffering endured. The figures fail to reflect the full scope of the phenomenon. Oksanen points out that they omit the indirect consequences on the victims’ loved ones, on their professional lives, their mental health, or their ability to maintain social relationships. “They do not speak of those who have lost their voice, or of those who now choose their clothes not to feel good, but to hide their bodies. They do not mention the mothers who disguise their daughters as boys to protect them, or those who have stockpiled buckets of manure, ready to douse their daughters in it to repel Russian soldiers. They do not account for the lost generation — the children these women will never have. They do not speak of the women who, after what they have endured, avoid all intimacy with their husbands, or those who are abandoned by their partners as soon as they learn of what happened to them. They make no mention of the infections, HIV, or thyroid disorders that will mark some victims for life. And those are only the physical consequences. Sexual violence inflicts deep wounds that may affect victims for the rest of their lives — invisible, yet indelible.” [3] The first trial for rape linked to atrocities committed by Russian troops took place in Ukraine in May 2022, with the indictment of Mikhail Romanov. Tried in absentia, the proceedings marked a historic milestone in the fight against impunity for sexual violence in wartime. This case represented the first judicial response to such heinous crimes, yet it merely opened a broader and more complex legal process. Indeed, Russian troops attacking Ukraine have systematically committed acts of sexual violence against civilians — both men and women, of all ages. These acts have become a recurring element of the atrocities committed during the invasion, underscoring the brutality and systematic dehumanisation inflicted upon the Ukrainian population. Evidence collected by international observers and researchers reveals sexual violence of staggering scale and cruelty. These assaults have often been carried out in public, designed to instill collective terror. Russian soldiers, at times in broad daylight, committed rape deliberately, even forcing other members of the community to witness them. In scenes of unimaginable violence, parents were made to watch their children being raped — and vice versa. Even more horrifyingly, some victims were raped for hours on end, until death. [4] In an interview with  Le Monde  in 2022, Ukraine’s Human Rights Commissioner, Liudmyla Denisova, emphasised: “The Russians are not merely raping here. They are raping in such a way that the victims die. They shoot them, or rape them so violently that they succumb to their injuries.” [5] These rapes are not a new phenomenon emerging in 2022; rather, they form part of a long-standing Russian military strategy. As Sofi Oksanen aptly observes, the sexual violence perpetrated by the Red Army was met with silence—a pattern of denial that also characterized the wars in Chechnya and Syria. Following the illegal annexation of Crimea and the seizure of separatist regions in 2014, victims had no opportunity to report the sexual violence they endured. The blindness of the international community — and of Ukrainian authorities — reflects a deep moral failure, one that has enabled the repetition of these crimes. Why does Russia resort to this weapon?  In part, as Philippe Rousselot explains, “wartime rape may be seen as an extension — or even a substitute — for the conquest of territory. To the act of acquiring, whether temporarily or permanently, a coveted space, is added the subjugation of its population, embodied in the appropriation of bodies. Wartime rape thus becomes a form of deterritorialised conquest, where the inherent sense of domination in any act of annexation is brutally manifested. Through this act, three dimensions converge: the act of war (to rape is to kill on the battlefield), the spoils of war (to rape is to seize and possess), and conquest (mass rape marks a territory with an indelible imprint of one’s presence).” [6] At last, the international community is beginning to listen. Ukrainian prosecutors are taking up these cases, and survivors are gradually breaking their silence. Through their testimonies, shared in survivor-led discussion groups, these women not only document the reality of the violence they endured, but also give voice to the intimate and often unspoken pain of survival. The organization  SEMA Ukraine  has played a crucial role in enabling access to medical care and psychological support for many women. Fifteen survivors were encouraged to come forward and join the community. In March 2025, a delegation from SEMA Ukraine attended the  United Nations Commission on the Status of Women , where they denounced these crimes. During the session, they screened a powerful film depicting the ordeal of survivors, and demanded that Russia be officially held accountable for acts of sexual violence in Ukraine. Iryna Dovgan and Alisa Kovalenko explained that bearing witness is, at once, a step towards personal healing, a gesture of solidarity with fellow survivors, and a political act in defense of democracy. For Alisa Kovalenko, it is crucial that the world becomes aware of the crimes Russia has committed in Ukraine. Speaking out has become an act of resistance. It is a means of reclaiming agency, a path to reconstruction in the wake of horror. “It is revolutionary to speak of rape when one is a woman,” confided a survivor. Since the full-scale invasion, Ukrainian authorities — with the support of international donors — have launched several initiatives to address conflict-related sexual violence.  Law No. 10132 , entitled  “Law on the Legal and Social Protection of the Rights of Victims of Sexual Violence Related to the Aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine and on Urgent Interim Reparations” , seeks to facilitate legal action for victims while ensuring access to essential healthcare and psychosocial support. It aims to incorporate the principles of international criminal law into investigations and prosecutions of sexual violence crimes. Yet how can justice truly be rendered without victims'   testimonies ? In the face of such horror, survivors are reclaiming their narratives, denouncing rape as a weapon of war — a crime that international justice can no longer afford to ignore. As Sofi Oksanen rightly asserts, “Condemning threats and the stigmatisation of victims is also a way of delivering justice.” [7]   Written by Flore Siproudhis WWoW and Its Commitment on the Ground Recognising the vital role played by the act of speaking out, the NGO  We Are Not Weapons of War  (WWoW) stands alongside victims to support them, enhance the documentation of crimes, and advocate for justice in Ukraine. In partnership with  Stand Speak Rise Up!  (SSRU) and the  Women’s Information Consultative Center  (WICC), WWoW convened a closed-door symposium in Kyiv to examine the challenges related to the documentation, prevention, and prosecution of conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) in Ukraine. These confidential discussions enabled participants to identify the barriers preventing survivors from accessing healthcare and justice, to raise awareness of the various forms of sexual violence — including those affecting men — to facilitate dialogue between victims, civil society actors, and legal professionals, and to strengthen cooperation between government representatives, legal experts, and national and international organisations. Each testimony, each voice reclaimed, marks a step forward in the fight against invisibility and impunity. This symposium will culminate in the publication of a white paper, expected in early May 2025. Moreover, the NGO is actively deploying its  Back Up  tool on the ground, offering survivors a secure means of reporting the violence they have experienced, accessing essential services, and contributing to justice efforts. [1]  New York Times “Slowly, Ukrainian Women Are Beginning to Talk About Sexual Assault in the War”, mars 2025 https://www.nytimes.com/2025/03/15/world/europe/ukraine-women-sexual-violence-war.html   [2]   Véronique Nahoum Gappe « Tout viol est une torture, toute torture est un viol »., pour l’Ukraine https://www.pourlukraine.com/viols/reflexion-anthropologique [3] Sofi Oksanen « Deux fois dans le même fleuve : la guerre de Poutine contre les femmes », Stock 8 novembre 2023. [4] Sofi Oksanen, ibid. [5] Le Monde, « dans un village ukrainien occupé par les russes, la brûlure indicible du viol », Ghazal Golshiri, 12 mai 2022 https://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2022/05/12/dans-un-village-ukrainien-occupe-par-les-russes-la-brulure-indicible-du-viol_6125721_3210.html [6] Philippe Rousselot, le Viol de Guerre, La Guerre du Viol.  Inflexions,   38(2), 23-35. https://doi.org/10.3917/infle.038.0023 . [7] Sofi Oksanen « Deux fois dans le même fleuve : la guerre de Poutine contre les femmes », opt cit